Sholawat Nahdlotul Ulama Mp3
Syi'ir NUNotesSYI'IR NAHDLOTUL ULAMMA BY AL-MUKARROM KH.
Pandangan NU/Nahdlatul Ulama tentang Perayaan Maulid Nabi dan Kontroversi Ma’na Bid’ah Peryataan bahwa perayaan maulid Nabi adalah amalan bid’ah adalah peryataan sangat tidak tepat, karena bid’ah adalah sesuatu yang baru atau diada-adakan dalam Islam yang tidak ada landasan sama sekali dari dari Al-Qur’an dan as-Sunah.
Jombang Mosque, birthplace of the Nahdlatul UlamaNahdlatul Ulama (literally translated to Revival of the, abbreviated as NU) is a movement in following the school of. NU was established on January 31, 1926 in as a response to the rise of in and in.: 59 The NU is the largest independent Islamic organization in the world with membership estimates ranging from 40 million (2013) to over 90 million (2019). NU also is a charitable body funding schools and hospitals as well as organizing communities to help alleviate poverty.Some leaders of Nahdlatul Ulama are ardent advocates of, a distinctive brand of Islam that has undergone interaction, contextualization, indigenization, interpretation and vernacularization according to conditions in Indonesia. Promotes, compassion, anti-radicalism, inclusiveness and tolerance.
However, other NU members, leaders, and religious scholars have rejected Islam Nusantara in favor of a more conservative approach. Contents.Ideology Nahdlatul Ulama follows the ideology of, taking the middle path between extreme aqli and extreme naqli tendencies. The organization identifies the, the, and the ability of the mind coupled with empirical reality as the sources of its thought. It attributes this approach to earlier thinkers, such as and in the field of. In the field of jurisprudence, it recognizes the, and schools of law, but relies in practice on Shafi'i teachings. In matters of, NU follows the path of. It has been described by western media as a, and Islamic movement, but is a diverse organization with large conservative factions as well.
History Origin NU was established in 1926 as an organization for orthodox Muslims opposed to the modernist policies of the organization, which rejected pre-Islamic Javanese traditions. The organization was established after had fulfilled its duty and about to be dissolved. The organization was established by, the head of an Islamic religious school in East Java. The organization expanded, but the base of its support remained in East Java. By 1928, the NU was using the Javanese language in its sermons, alongside Arabic.: 169: 168: 233–236In 1937, despite poor relations between the NU and Muhammidayah, the two organizations established the Supreme Islamic Council of Indonesia (: Majlis Islam A'laa Indonesia, MIAI) as a discussion forum. They were joined by most of the other Islamic organizations in existence at the time. In 1942, the Japanese and in September a conference of Islamic leaders was held in Jakarta.
The Japanese wanted to replace the MIAI, but the conference not only decided to maintain the organization, but also elected political figures belonging to the to the leadership, rather than members of the non-political NU or Muhammadiyah as the occupiers had wanted. Just over a year later, the MIAI was dissolved and replaced by the Japanese-sponsored (Consultative Council of Indonesian Muslims). Hasjim Asjari was the notional chairman, but in practice the new organization was led by his son,.
Other NU and Muhammadiyah figures held leadership positions.: 191,194: 233–236In 1945,. During the, the NU declared that the fight against the Dutch colonial forces was a holy war, obligatory for all Muslims. Among the guerrilla groups fighting for independence were Hizbullah and Sabillilah, which were led by the NU.: 233–236 Transformation into Islamic political party. See also:, andFollowing the recognition of Indonesian independence, a new party called was established with the NU as a component of it. The NU leadership at the time had no political skills, and was awarded few influential cabinet positions, with the exception of chairman, who was appointed religious affairs minister.
The NU was unhappy with its lack of influence within Masyumi, especially after a decision at the 1949 party conference changed the party's religious council, on which the NU held several positions, into a powerless advisory body. Two years later, a dispute over the organization of the pilgrimage led to Prime Minister Natsir's opposition to the reappointment of Hasyim as religious affairs minister in the next cabinet. In the ensuing cabinet crisis, the NU made a series of demands, including the retention of Hasyim, and threatened to leave Masyumi. On 5 April 1952, a few days after the announcement of a new cabinet without Hasyim, the NU decided in principle to leave Masyumi.
Three months later it withdrew all its members from Masyumi councils, and on 30 August it established the Indonesian League of Muslims, comprising the NU, PSSI and a number of smaller organizations. It was chaired by Hasyim.: 233–236During the era (1950–1957), NU members served in a number of cabinet posts. In the, the NU held three seats, with Zainul Arifin appointed second deputy prime minister.
However, following the fall of this cabinet, some NU members were opposed to the NU joining the new cabinet, to be formed by, believing that if he was unable to form a cabinet, the NU would be invited to try. It was finally pressured into participating, and was awarded the interior and religious affairs portfolios in the cabinet, which was sworn in on 12 August 1955.: 418–419On 29 September 1955, Indonesia held its first. The NU came in third, with almost 7 million votes, 18.4% of the total, behind the and Masyumi. It was awarded 45 seats in the, up from only eight before the election. The NU was the largest party in its East Java base, and 85.6% of its vote came from. There was a clear division between Masyumi, representing outer-island, urban voters and the NU, representing the rural Javanese constituency. Three months later, were held for the, which was tasked with drawing up a permanent constitution.
The results were very similar, with the NU winning 91 of the 114 seats.: 238–239: 434–436: 51In the 1950s, the NU still wanted to see Indonesia become an Islamic state, and expressed its disapproval of a 1953 presidential speech in which Sukarno rejected this. Three years later, it also argued against Sukarno's 'conception' that would eventually lead to the establishment of, as this would mean PKI members sitting in the cabinet. On 2 March 1957, the rebellion broke out.
Among its demands was the restoration of Mohammad Hatta to the vice-presidency. The NU supported these calls. Meanwhile, in the Constitutional Assembly, the NU joined Masyumi, the (PSII), the Islamic Educators Association (Perti) and other parties to form the Islamic Block, which wanted Indonesian to become an Islamic state. The block made up 44.8% of total seats. However, with none of the blocks able to command a majority and push through the constitution it wanted, the assembly failed to agree and was dissolved by Sukarno in a on 5 July 1959 that also restored the original, which declared the state to be based on the philosophy, not Islam.: 281–282, 544In 1960, President banned Masyumi for alleged involvement in the Permesta rebellion. However, the fundamentalist and compradore leadership of NU saw the pro-poor, which was close to Sukarno, as an obstacle to its ambitions, and competed with it to win support from the poor. Five years later, the coup attempt by the took place.
In 1965, the group took sides with the -led army and was heavily involved in of. However, the NU later began to oppose Suharto's regime. In 1984, the grandson of NU founder Hasyim Asy'ari, inherited the leadership from his father, and was later elected in 1999. He formally apologized for NU's involvement in the events of 1965.
He also stated that 'Nadhatul Ulama (NU) is like minus; similarly Shiite is NU plus Imamah.' There have been many similarities between the two, such as the position and role of.
The main contrast between them is that in NU, the concept is visible in the form of accepted culture, while in Shia, it takes the form of.Following the, the regime under President held in 1971. Despite manipulation of the NU by the government, which caused it to lose much credibility, the NU managed to maintain its 18% share of the vote from the 1955 poll. However, in 1973, it was obliged to 'fuse' into the new (: Partai Persatuan Pembangunan, PPP). The PPP came second, after the government sponsored organization in the elections of and, but in 1984, the new NU chairman (also known as ), the son of, withdrew the NU from the because of dissatisfaction with the NU's lack of influence. As a result, in the, the PPP vote collapsed from 28% in 1982 to only 16%.
From then on, it was expected that the NU would concentrate on religious and social activities.: 276: 32, 36–37: 201 Outside politics In 1984, the New Order government announced that all organizations would have to accept state ideology Pancasila as their basis. Once again the NU was accommodating, with Gus Dur calling Pancasila a 'noble compromise': 172 for Muslims.
Five years later. Gus Dur was reelected for a second five-year term as chairman, a position he held until being elected president in 1999.: 203In 1990, the NU worked with Bank Summa to establish a system of rural banks. Suharto did not approve of the NU straying beyond purely religious activities, and the fact the bank was owned by a Christian ethnic-Chinese family led to controversy. The bank was eventually shut down two years later because of financial mismanagement. Gus Dur also incurred the disapproval of the regime by holding a mass rally at a Jakarta stadium three months before the, ostensibly to express support for Pancasila. This resulted in Gus Dur being invited to meet Lt. Col., Suharto's son-in-law at Jakarta Military Headquarters.
At the meeting, Gus Dur was warned to avoid unacceptable political conduct, and told that if he insisted in involving himself in politics, rather than confining himself to religious matters, he should express support for a further presidential term for Suharto. In response, Gus Dur threatened to leave the NU. This resulted in the regime backing down, as it could not risk bringing Gus Dur down.: 188–193 Post-New Order era During the, Nahdlatul Ulama members and Islamic clerics were killed by rioters in in East Java when a witchhunt against alleged sorcerers spiralled out of control. Following the fall of Suharto and his replacement by Vice-president, in July 1998 Gus Dur announced the establishment of the (: Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa, PKB). On 10 November, Gus Dur met with other pro-reform figures,. The so-called Ciganjur Four, named after the location of Gus Dur's house, issued a declaration calling the Habibie administration 'transitional' and calling for elections to be brought forward and for the to end its political role: 387-297In Indonesia's first free since 1955, held on 7 June 1999, the PKB won 13 percent of the vote.
In the ensuing session of the People's Consultative Assembly, Gus Dur was elected, defeating Megawati by 373 votes to 313.: 424, 461- However, he was deposed just two years later. The PKB subsequently split into two warring factions, one led by Gus Dur's daughter, Yenny Wahid. An attempt in 2008 by Gus Dur to involve President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono in resolving the dispute failed, and the PKB vote in the was half that of the previous vote in 2004. At its 2010 conference, held in, the NU decided not to discuss the split, and passed a resolution banning officials from holding political posts, seen as a commitment to avoiding future political involvement.: 501After the conference, concerns about the longer term role of the NU continued to attract comment in the national media.
During 2011, for example, there was continuing discussion about the national role that the NU should play and about the close political links between the NU and the National Awakening Party (PKB). Comments by Gus Dur's daughter, Yenny Wahid, for example, reflected these concerns when she said that the NU was fragmenting and 'sliding into irrelevance'. See also: andThe NU exists to spread Islamic teaching. As well as preaching, it undertakes educational activities through its network of 6,830 Islamic boarding schools, or pesantren. It also owns 44 universities, and is involved in economic and agricultural studies, and social activities including family planning. Its goal is 'to spread messages about a tolerant Islam in their respective countries to curb radicalism, extremism and terrorism,' which, it claims, 'often spring from a misinterpretation of Islamic teachings.' In December 2014, NU have launched a global campaign against.
Building a prevention center in Indonesia to train Arabic-speaking students, alongside NU theologians, to combat jihadist. And it has created a joint program with the called VORTEX (Vienna Observatory for Applied Research on Radicalism and Extremism). The project is funded by the.
It also created an American called in,. On the other hand, Nahdlatul Ulama had given a in favour of (FGM). In 2019, NU called for the abolishment of the term ' to describe non-muslims. Leaders of organization The highest body in the NU is Syuriah (Supreme Council).
Under this is Tanfidziyah (Executive Council). Mustasyar (Advisory Council) provides input to both. At the 2010 NU Conference, Sahal Mahfudz was elected chairman of the Executive Council, and thus serves as executive chief.
At the same conference, Sahal Mahfudz was elected chair of the Supreme Council for the 2010-2015 period. ^ Ranjan Ghosh (4 January 2013). Pp. 202–. ^ Patrick Winn (March 8, 2019).
PRI. Pieternella, Doron-Harder (2006). University of Illinois Press.
Lirik Sholawat Nahdlatul Ulama Mp3
Retrieved 17 November 2015. Jesudas M. Athyal (10 March 2015). Pp. 201–.
^ Robin Bush (2009). Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. Mark R. Woodward; Arizona State University. Program for Southeast Asian Studies (1996). Arizona State University, Program for Southeast Asian Studies.
Esposito, John (2013). Retrieved 17 November 2015. Nahdlatul Ulama (in Indonesian). 22 April 2015.
Heyder Affan (15 June 2015). BBC Indonesia (in Indonesian). ^ Arifianto, Alexander R. (23 January 2017). RSIS Commentary.
Sholawat Nahdlatul Ulama Mp3 Youtube
4 December 2015. Retrieved 4 December 2015. ^ Varagur, Krithika (2 December 2015). Retrieved 4 December 2015. ^ (1991). A History of Modern Indonesia Since c.1200.
Stanford: Stanford University Press. ^ Schwartz, Adam (1994). A Nation in Waiting: Indonesia in the 1990s. Allen & Unwin. ^ (2007). The Decline of Constitutional Democracy in Indonesia. Equinox Publishing (Asia) Pte Ltd.
^ Friend, Theodore (2003). Indonesian Destinies. The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. Nasution, Adnan Buyung (1995). Aspirasi Pemerintahan Konstitutional di Indonesia: Studi Sosio-Legal atas Konstituante 1956-1959 The Aspiration for Constitutional Government in Indonesia: A Socio-Legal Study of the Indonesian Konstituante 1956-1959. Jakarta: Pustaka Utama Grafiti.
Pp. 32–33, 49. January 10, 2012. Retrieved 2010-08-15. Archived from on 2012-03-23. Retrieved 2010-08-15.
Nahdlatul Ulama. Retrieved 2010-08-15. 'Nation's largest Muslim group laments 'waning influence' ', The Jakarta Post, 20 June 2011. Archived from on 2011-06-24. Retrieved 2011-06-25.
CS1 maint: Archived copy as title. ^ NU Website. Shahid, Kunwar Khuldune (10 October 2014).
Retrieved 5 December 2015. Retrieved 5 December 2015.
The Jakarta Post. Retrieved 1 March 2019. Retrieved 2008-06-30.Further reading.External links. (in Indonesian).